By successful I mean in maintaining relative party unity, work with the masses, and thus the masses trust in the party, and political and economic stability.
With the exception of the latter years of the Cultural Revolution, the CPC has been remarkably stable, ideologically consistent, and have maintained power and dominance over the Chinese state and economy. All of this is even more impressive given the fall of communist states in Europe and the rise of western/American unipolarity.
While similar tendencies have been found in the CPSU, the rise of figures like Khrushchev, Brezhnev, and especially Gorbachev, and of course their supporters within the party, makes the CPSU appear less stable and ideologically consistent compared to the CPC. Added onto this the fact that the CPC has a much larger and diverse membership, including the national bourgeoisie.
Rather than viewing this question through great man theory, I want to know how the structural formation and process of the CPC itself maintains stability, and how it’s party structure is different from the CPSU. While both parties are founded on democratic centralism, how does this manifest differently between the two? In an interview with Marxist Paul, Hakim said the ban on factions within the CPSU, while imperative during the civil war and early years of the revolution, ultimately hurt the party. He then praised the informal factionalism of the CPC: Dengists, Maoists, liberals, etc. From the outset it would appear that such a situation of factionalism should rip the party apart, but it doesn’t. Why,?
Looking at the relatively young history of communist movements and parties show that many, for material reasons, were/are unable to be stable and ideologically consistent. Again, outside factors and capitalist sabotage are of course a major contributing factor, but could there be structural elements within various parties which explain, to a certain extent, their successes or failures?
Seeing the immense progress the CPC has brought their own people and, increasingly, the people of the rest of the colonized world, means we must understand how they operate. Every party and movement will be different and adjusted to their particular circumstances and material conditions, and thus copy and pasting the CPC anywhere else will not yield positive results. However, could/should the structural basis of the CPC be applied and modified to other countries and contexts?
The cultural revolution lead to a drastic increase in material conditions to the vast majority of the Chinese population. This can be tracked from education to food availability.
In fact, the rural collectives, working more autonomously than they do now, were able to build industry to a scale never seen before in China. The schools they built in rural areas, which previously went ignored by the party, raised literacy rates to near 90%. That’s up from around 30% previously.
The industrialization undertaken in these areas was SO successful that Deng’s government privatized them and built upon them to “develop productive forces” that were already being developed at previously unseen speeds.
I’m not saying that the reform era is revisionist or whatever. Clearly, the strategy has worked out incredibly in many ways (and failed in others), but the idea that the cultural revolution was some kind of economic disaster that stunted industrial production is false. It’s a myth that’s carted out as justification for the reforms (which, frankly, isn’t needed because the arguments for reform can stand on their own merit).
All of this and more can be found in Dongping Han’s “The Unknown Cultural Revolution”
I’d be wary of anyone who tries to glorify the Cultural Revolution.
For example, the point about literacy rates:
From China’s second census in 1964, 233,267,947 out of 723,070,269 people over the age of 13 were illiterate, that’s 32.3%.
From China’s third census in 1982, 235,820,002 out of 1,031,882,511 people over the age of 12 were illiterate or semi illiterate, that’s 22.9%.
Note that these two statistics aren’t referring to the same thing, so the report for the third census in 1982 also mentions that the percentage of people that were illiterate and semi illiterate went down from 38.1％ in 1964 to 23.5% in 1982.
Side note: I found a site that’s supposedly “The voice of the Revolutionary Communist Party, USA” https://revcom.us/a/174/dongping_han-en.html that mentions this book, and what do I find?
Thanks for that.
Dongping Han certainly has a negative view of Deng Xiaoping. Certainly more negative than I do. However, regardless of his line on Deng, his book is well sourced and provides a ton of on-the-ground experiences that I think are worthwhile for anyone interested in China’s revolution. Mobo Gao is also very anti-Deng, but most communists around here uphold his book for good reading on the cultural revolution, too. Michael Parenti has also called reform China revisionist, and I don’t think that invalidates his work.
I recommend checking out the book yourself, but if you’re really interested and you don’t have the time, I can go through and pull out where he’s sourcing his info and message them to you. I’m gonna check the info myself anyway because of the numbers you posted.
Just let me know.
I reread my comment and fixed a mistake for the 1964 statistic, it turned out to be 32.3% because I mixed up the denominator and used the population number from 1982 when calculating for 1964.
From Amazon it looks like the book is written in English and Han Dongping “teaches history and political science at Warren Wilson College in North Carolina. Han comes from a rural background in China. ” Now that doesn’t sound like something I would waste time reading as a Chinese. But I found a PDF of it on http://www.socialiststories.com/en/writers/Han-Dongping/ so I might read it.
RCPUSA seems like a batshit cult of personality to me. They uphold the leader to a disturbing degree.